Notes on the Protest Against Trump’s Visit to the GOP Retreat in Philly and our Tasks at Hand

Notes on the Protest Against Trump’s Visit to the GOP Retreat in Philly and our Tasks at Hand


From January 24-27, the Republican Party held a convention at the Loews Hotel in Philly to discuss policies for the further fascization of the US, at which Trump gave a speech touting his speedy use of executive power to enforce this process. In continuity with the popular resistance against the Trump regime, thousands of people showed up in protest. What follows is a historical-political analysis of the situation, notes on our intervention in this protest on January 26th, and our present tasks. In this statement we also sum up what has been continuous throughout our interventions in the anti-Trump protests in our city.

Firstly, as Maoists, we analyze everything in light of the universal law of contradiction — that all things are a unity of opposites in motion. From this standpoint, we enter into any arena of struggle or resistance with the goal of identifying the opposing aspects so that we can begin to answer the questions necessary to achieve a political objective: Who are our friends? Who are our enemies? Only then can we begin to determine who the class-conscious and self-organizing elements of the masses are so that we can begin to unite and lead alongside them against all enemies.

At a protest in these times, the likelihood of identifying such people is negligible. Protests themselves fall into two categories: they are either a display of organizational power or they are a loose expression of discontent with the current state of affairs. For at least as long as this generation has been involved in any sort of political activity in Philly, it has been the latter, with various degrees of intensity and direction.

For example, the openly rebellious and combative energy of the resistance against extreme national oppression of Black people, starting around 2014, has waned in our city after the spontaneous wave of mass participation receded. A coalition of self-appointed career activists and revisionist party leadership has since struggled to keep it on life support through infinitely tamer reformist and symbolic initiatives.

However the new and ongoing massive resistance against the fascist Trump regime presents new openings, beginning with the highly combative response at the presidential inauguration (mainly due to the energy and sacrifice of anarchists) and the massive (albeit overwhelmingly white-chauvinist, liberal, and biological reductionist in character) Women’s Marches. But what kind of openings exist for us?

For a very small collective such as ours, the need to accumulate forces is vital to our very survival. We have already experienced the loss of cadre in the very short life of our collective, and the effect of this can be not only demoralizing but deadly to our very existence. The problem lies in the correct handling of the accumulation of forces to grow generally, what type of forces we are accumulating, and our most important task of entering the genuine mass movement: that is, organizing side-by-side with the masses in situations where there are real class enemies to clearly identify and real consequences at hand in both success or failure. This is why at this time we feel it is absolutely necessary for us to enter such demonstrations and attempt to exercise bold leadership.

Thus we enter the January 26th protest with this in mind. Nonetheless the first contradiction that we are faced with is that of people attending the march and that of the organizers. The event was called for by Philly Socialists, after which Socialist Alternative and Jewish Voice for Peace were tacked on to make it an ad-hoc coalition effort. Philly Socialists is yet another ideologically plural, left-unity, mass party initiative that is highly fashionable in the imperialist centers these days. Yet they are the dominant force in our city claiming to represent “socialism” (thoroughly gutted of its revolutionary content) and the darling of Jacobin readers. Socialist Alternative is a soft Trotskyist organization primarily based in universities and focused on economist reform initiatives among service industry workers. Their other recent activity has been tailing the Sanders’ campaign by adopting its “political revolution against the billionaire class” rhetoric, creating Facebook events after the election of Trump and then claiming credit for the size of those demonstrations. In reality, whoever made those Facebook events is inconsequential. People were going to march to protest Trump’s election regardless, and they overwhelmingly came out for Clinton, not socialism. Lastly, Jewish Voice for Peace is a human-rights organization for policy reform related to [our distinction] occupied Palestine.

The culmination of these politics are, regardless of the intent of the organizers and their most radical rank-and-file members, a fundamental orientation towards the intermediate & activists of a petty-bourgeois background and consciousness. The interests of the proletariat and other rebellious strata of the masses take a back seat (if they participate at all) to the incoherent “down with all the bad stuff” message of the activists. This is evident by the eclectic demands & sloganeering that were pervasive throughout the march, ranging from leftover Democrat party delusional cries of “not my president,” ridiculing Trump’s physical appearance, etc. There were demands of a more radical bent in the form of pro-immigrant, anti white-supremacy and feminist slogans to be sure. Lastly there were the assorted anti-Dakota Access pipeline chants, Black Lives Matter chants, and other various mundane repetitions of “this is what democracy looks like,” “whose streets, our streets,” and other tired phrases devoid of real ideological-political content that a revolutionary organization is supposed to put forward. Here we do not lay the blame on unorganized people themselves and their current lack of class consciousness. Marx has pointed out how the ideas of the masses are dominated by the ideas of the ruling class. Further, Lenin teaches us how people are victims of deceit and self-deception until they firmly take a class stand and fight accordingly. Here, we must then affirm that correct leadership is the decisive factor.

Due to historical misleadership, protests in Philly are quite frankly, mundane and formulaic. They follow a standard pattern of circling around Center City, punctuated by an occasional pause for a pep-talk, are tacitly sanctioned and corralled by police, and reach their most combative when police lines are (with little resistance) breached to continue along the path (in this case, the organizers would run down across the sidewalk and plead for “antifa” [meaning anyone with a mask] to run to the front and bust through the police line for them. We must question their lack of valor and disturbing view of forces more militant than them as cannon fodder). It would appear that in fact we are not “ungovernable” at all in 2017, despite attempts to assert otherwise.  Nonetheless we will always seek to push the limits and look for openings to exploit in order to deviate from this routine.

For our part, we saw the unifying objective to agitate around as being resistance against the Trump regime, so we decided to see how far we could push the limits of agitation. Due to the massive size of the march there were several loose contingents, so we felt no need to maneuver to the front when we had plenty of space and capacity to exercise leadership. Our modest bloc of supporters played a very crucial role in this as well. Things began energetically, with us leading militant chants such as “Love Doesn’t Trump Hate, Punch a Nazi in the Face,” “Fuck Trump, Fuck Pence, Organize for Self-Defence,” “Trump & Pence in a Ditch, Reign of Terror on the Rich,” and the classic “One Solution, Revolution!” We had limited success in hijacking chants, turning “Hey hey, ho ho! Donald Trump Has Got to Go!” into “Hey hey, goodbye! Donald Trump Has Got to Die” (much to the ire of a few surrounding liberals). In the moments where the march was paused, we timidly neglected to seize the opportunity to at the least pass out agitprop fliers for our organization and give agitational speeches. At one point, two people excitedly recognized us as Red Guards and asked for contact information which we provided, but due to our low energy at this point we failed to integrate them into our bloc. Another group who we planned to march with was able to meet us, but by this time the march had reached a blockade that could not be breached. We decided to give the people dispersing a final display by torching the US flag and giving an agitational speech on the crimes of this country – its past and present legacy of genocide, slavery and war, and the need to destroy this country by force of arms. This was received with curiosity and a few cheers, but probably not seen as anything more than a spectacle as indicated by the greater presence of photographers around us than anyone else.

The meaning behind our efforts remained abstract. We do not strive to be militant for its own sake nor for our own self-gratification. The purpose is as we said before, to accumulate combative forces to aid in mass work. Our chants were in essence to uphold revolutionary violence as good and not at all equivalent to reactionary violence, that fascism is only defeated though such revolutionary violence, and that the reign of terror on the rich will be made through waging Protracted People’s War and establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat. Yet these remained unclear and we failed to adequately connect our efforts to clearly assert the tools we need to enforce such a programme: a genuine Communist Party, a People’s Army, and a United Front. This in turn is also a failure to combat & discredit the ideological and theoretical poverty of the revisionist leadership of the march.

Returning to our assertion in the beginning, as Maoists we use the understanding of the law of contradiction to turn bad things into good things. In summing up experience we see the successes that lie within our failures. Our line of march continues and we will move forward in struggling to accumulate forces, enter the mass movement, and defeat revisionism to establish Maoism as the ideological guide needed for revolution.


Open Letter to Red Guards Austin

The following is an open letter expressing our solidarity and unity with Red Guards Austin during a time when they – and the US Maoist movement as a whole – enters into a period of heightened struggle where we will all be put to the test. While it is mainly addressed to these comrades in particular, it also contains insights that we wish to be conveyed to a general audience.  

Comrades, we write this letter in solidarity with all of you, as you are selflessly throwing yourselves into the escalating anti-fascist movement in Austin, as well as throughout the rest of the country by means of RGA’s theoretical work on the question of fascism as it confronts us today, along with the practical lessons offered up to everybody through active participation in the struggle. Many of these lessons which we come to learn through the process of making revolution are not new, they are already found in the historical track record of many places and from many times. This is just how history develops – there never has been a straight march to victory, and the errors of the past never seem to stay in their graves. The latest lesson to become evident from the anti-fascist struggle in Austin is that liberalism functions as poison, enabling fascism and repression instead of fighting to overcome it. This is certainly not a new lesson for us historically – it was exactly the liberal tactics of lesser-evilism, respect for state authorities, and refusal to engage in armed struggle which saw revolution squashed beneath the jackboot of Nazism in Germany. But just as fascism will continue to rear its monstrous head until capitalism and class contradictions are left smoldering on the historical ash heap, so too will bourgeois liberalism be around to sell out revolutionaries, always there to persuade people to give voting just one more chance, and to label the violence of the oppressed as morally equivalent (or even inferior!) to the violence of the oppressor.

In Austin, this type of liberal ideology has expressed itself through misguided protestors thwarting attempts at de-arresting comrades, enabling the pigs to arrest several communists and activists on serious (yet baseless) charges, and even viciously assaulting one of our comrades to the point where they are now receiving medical care for a broken neck. This latest onslaught by the pigs is a clear intensification of state efforts to specifically target revolutionaries in recent weeks, as this event also comes on the heels of the charges against the UT Antifa 3 who were arrested for an alleged connection to the covering up of fascist graffiti which the University of Texas was happy to leave untouched for months on end. This is another lesson we are forced to learn wherever fascism emerges – existing bourgeois state forces are siblings to fascism, and will always aim their sights on revolutionaries while making sure fascists have room to operate. It is another clear example of how liberal enabler shit will get us killed.

These are the immediate conditions in Austin, and the political landscape across the country is not so drastically different. But for our ATX comrades specifically, it is times like these when we must show our utmost support. As you are all aware, one of the many lessons you imparted on those of us you hosted over the summer is the need to be able to rely on your comrades when it counts, that is when the struggle is the most arduous and painful. Of course, one immediate way to do this is to donate whatever we can to help cover the legal and medical fees that rack up when the repressive state apparatus is launching an offensive. We encourage everybody reading this to consider donating to help out some very dedicated revolutionary communists who are being targeted, through intimidation, through threats of jail time, and through physical violence, for the fact that they are partisans on the frontlines of the fight against fascism. But as Maoists in a time of intensified ideological warfare, in a time when communists are being hunted down by the pigs in power and by the doxx-happy fascists on the wings, we understand money is not the decisive form of solidarity. We would like to add a Maoist analysis of the advantages of these chaotic times.

One of the many things we’re taught by Mao is about the need for all-sided analysis, which includes understanding that bad things are not simply bad, but that there are the two aspects of the good and the bad. In the work “On The Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People,” Mao talks of disturbances providing us with lessons to learn, and of the dual character of disturbances. He says bad things can be turned into good things. We believe he’s correct. State repression is a bad thing. It drains our energy, it may cause a dip in our morale, lower our fighting spirit, it can even take our comrades away from us. And yet… “to be attacked by the enemy is a good thing.” Why? Because lines of demarcation clarify the battlefield. Liberalism is a bad thing. It enables pigs to do their jobs of violent repression, it offers revolutionaries up to the state as an offering from the confused to the god they wish to bargain with. And yet the lines of demarcation get clearer – the masses see the pigs do what they do best, and they see the liberals do what they do best. And you, our comrades in Austin, are showing the people what communists do best. Communists fight. Fight against pigs, fight against liberalism which would see a movement die in its infancy, and most of all – fight and sacrifice ourselves for the masses of working & oppressed people. We are always in favor of situations becoming less blurry, of the truth becoming more apparent. Because, as Malcolm X once observed, “truth is on the side of the oppressed.” Through the actions and sacrifices of revolutionary communists, enemies of the people reveal themselves rather clumsily, and a clearer and truer picture is made known exponentially among the masses. Even those who have not yet begun to consciously break with this system will seriously question bourgeois liberalism and start to be won over.

And this speaks to another truth, that the enemy acts as a supply line for the revolution. Not just in military terms, but with respect to forces in general. Through their efforts of brute repression, the state only throws kindling on top of the growing wildfire. Even if they succeed in crushing one person completely, two or three more people will spring up in their place. In fact, the revolutionary movement is as alive in Austin as it is anywhere else in the US, with Red Guards, Serve the People, RATPAC, and the Revolutionary Student Front all serving as militant bastions either at the forefront of their respective struggles or emerging as such. The support for you comrades in Austin, both locally and internationally, is already shining through in the propagation of and sympathy for your fight stretching from far beyond just our collectives. The state of course will still have all the legal and financial power to beat a couple of us at their game, when they can force us to play it. But they cannot arrest, restrain, or assault a revolutionary ideology. Every crackdown directed at servants of the people will serve as a catalyst for more militant leaders to emerge and grasp Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. A lesson that the enemy has never seemed to learn, or perhaps is simply something that they can’t do anything about, whether they know it or not – blood does not drown the revolution, it irrigates it. They cannot kill the revolutionary rebel spirit of the Red Guards, for they would have to kill Maoism. They cannot kill Maoism, for it alone is the science of revolution in our era. There will soon come a time when the lessons of your current struggle will be summed up, propagated widely, and struggled with. This will provide a precious gift to all of us struggling to forge a Maoist Communist Party and touch the heart of the people, so that they may overthrow imperialism from within and wage socialist revolution on the path to communism. Surely aspects of those lessons will be valuable to those taking up the fight for communism in both the other imperialist countries like ours and the oppressed nations of the world as well. And that is the profound beauty that blooms from the hardship of the battlefield.


Which brings us to what it means to be steeled in the furnace of class struggle. This is something you comrades have recently touched on yourselves, in your latest piece on fascism: “All members of the front and all cadres must be tempered in struggle through repeated confrontations. We must all go through heart-checks, where our wills and our resolve are put to the test. Each time we develop as conscious and disciplined fighters who learn how to make war by making war.” Withstanding repression is a vital necessity for any collective which takes the Maoist Communist Party building effort as its goal, as a legitimate vanguard Party will face the most extreme repression imaginable. Here is the dual character of the disturbance of repression: on the one side is the immediate, short-term negative effects as comrades are silenced, beaten up, locked away, or even murdered. On the flip side, the long-term effect is creating the soil for more militancy, is the hardening of those who have passed through the crucible and come out with one goal drilled even deeper into their hearts, souls, and minds: revolution. Repression has never been able to kill a revolution, rather it is one external condition which challenges our internal structure, cohesiveness, and militancy, reminding us of the stakes at play and what it really takes to become a revolutionary force. To those who are only looking ten yards down the field, it may seem like the enemy is “winning” at times of repressive action. In reality they are steeling their opponents and planting seeds of rebellion which will blossom later down the line.

“Life will assert itself. Let the bourgeoisie rave, work itself into a frenzy, go to extremes, commit follies, take vengeance on the Bolsheviks in advance, and endeavour to kill off… more hundreds, thousands, and hundreds of thousands of yesterday’s and tomorrow’s Bolsheviks. In acting thus, the bourgeoisie is acting as all historically doomed classes have done. Communists should know that, in any case, the future belongs to them…”

– Lenin, Left-Wing Communism

The fundraiser to support anti-fascist work in Austin can be found below:

STOP GREEN HUNT: Support the Call for International Solidarity to Defend Maoists in India

STOP GREEN HUNT: Support the Call for International Solidarity to Defend Maoists in India

Over the past twenty-four hours, the armed forces of the reactionary Indian state have martyred 28 members of the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The slaughter began in the Chitrakonda forest, in the Malkangiri district, where a meeting was taking place of the CPI (Maoist)’s Andhra-Odisha Border Special Zonal Committee [AOB]. Among the dead are comrades Ganesh, Daya, Munna, and Rhino, with comrades as yet unconfirmed dead being Chalapathi, Arunna, and Uday. In all, the martyred include 9 women and 19 men, butchered at the hands of the Greyhound Commando units of the Narendra Modi regime. Particularly heartbreaking was the death of comrade Munna, who had only recently joined the Maoists as a full timer. Munna was the son of comrade RK, AOB Special Zone Committee Secretary.

This attack was part and parcel of the military operation popularly referred to in the Indian press as Green Hunt. From its inception in 2009, Operation Green Hunt has not limited itself to targeting the CPI (Maoist) and its military wing, the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army. This terror campaign on the part of a so-called “democratic” government has led to the arrest of intellectuals such as Dr. G N Saibaba of Delhi University on suspicion of links to the CPI (Maoist), through his association with the aboveground organization known as the Revolutionary Democratic Front of India. The wheelchair-bound Dr. Saibaba is 90 percent disabled due to polio, and was held in prison for nearly a year before being granted bail in April 2016 after a huge wave of international condemnation. Untold numbers of ordinary people have been murdered during this operation on suspicion of being Maoists, sympathizers, or just out of the cold indifference by the fascist Indian state forces.

In India, the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee calls this massacre of CPI (Maoist) cadres a crime, and they have filed petitions on behalf of the victims and their families. We think this fine and good. But there can never be justice for the victims of Operation Green Hunt until it, (and the bureaucrat-capitalist government of India), is done away with for good and the New Democratic revolution has paved the way for socialism.

We in Red Guards – Philadelphia view the Protracted People’s Wars being waged by our comrades in India and in the Philippines as the strategic anchors of the movement for the emancipation of the world proletariat. They have achieved a level of success in their struggles that we seek to attain in our own, for it is only with the liberation of the entire world’s peoples that Communism will be possible. Should these People’s Wars be successful then new base areas will be created from which the International Communist Movement will gather strength and guidance. This is what is at stake right now on a world scale.

We draw inspiration from our comrades in India, and when they mourn we mourn with them. Their heroism and sacrifice deepens our grasp of the necessary truth that wherever people seek to make revolution, we must fearlessly carry our lives on our fingertips to offer whenever the revolution demands them.  We stand in solidarity with our comrades in India in denouncing the atrocity perpetrated on their cadre in Malkangiri. When the CPI (Maoist) and the people of India cry out “Stop Operation Green Hunt!” we shout in chorus with them!

Long live the Communist Party of India (Maoist)!

Victory to the People’s War in India!

Death to the Fascist Indian State!

“Thousands upon thousands of martyrs have heroically laid down their lives for the people; let us hold their banner high and march ahead along the path crimson with their blood!”

– Comrade Mao

Follow the link below for information & updates on the situation in India:

…and the call for international solidarity:

We Must Rebel: Announcement of Our Election Boycott Campaign

We Must Rebel: Announcement of Our Election Boycott Campaign

In response to the call for an election boycott issued by Red Guards Austin [1], Red Guards Philly stands with our comrades and with all oppressed & exploited people, within the United States and the world over, who are only harmed by the elections of mass murderers being seen as a legitimate measure of democracy.

First, we must look at the world situation. Capitalism-imperialism has only further revealed its hideous face of rampaging terror and economic parasitism with every additional year of its existence. In conjunction with this, the electoral politics which legitimize capitalism are continuously unmasked and shown to be a mechanism of maintaining the exploitative order. Maoists have always taken up the task of discrediting these circuses and instead focusing on building mass support and popular initiatives which actually benefit the people. In Peru, the Communist Party of Peru’s initial action to symbolize the start of the People’s War in 1980 was the burning of the ballot boxes, and they were successful in channeling people’s energy into mass work and other more revolutionary avenues as voting numbers decreased throughout the course of the People’s War. In India, one member of CPI (Maoist) explained their reason for boycotting Chhattisgarh assembly elections, which we quote in full unity:

“As usual, we have appealed to people to boycott the elections because they are a farce. Elections only renew five-year tenures of loot and torture by the elected representative in the present system. Our target is to change this system from the root and establish a people-centric society and that is not possible through elections.” [2]

In Canada, an imperialist country much like our own, the PCR-RCP has conducted election boycotts. In one document spelling out their reasons, they state:

“…the real objective of this election is no different than the ones that came before it: to decide which team will administer the Canadian state — the state of the capitalists, the rich and the powerful, a colonialist, imperialist and reactionary state. This always has been and always will be the nature of the Canadian state until it’s dismantled and replaced by a new people’s power. In this situation, what’s really changing? For almost 150 years, an endless stream of politicians has sat in the House of Commons without ever changing the nature of this country.” [3]

These words ring true for us in the US just as well. This country was founded on genocide and slavery, and it has been maintained on that same basis. How this unfolds is modified by time and place, but today we see that indigenous people are still crushed as a matter of routine, that Black people are shipped to prisons as a substitute for schooling, and that xenophobia is running wild in a country where white people were the actual violent, invading force. And as we do find ourselves within an imperialist power, it’s vital to keep in mind that legitimizing the rule of our capitalist overlords does not just harm the people in this country, but that it facilitates the havoc being wreaked on people all across the globe.

Just like in Peru, India, and Canada, elections in the US have also always been a tool of the ruling elite. This does not at all discredit the hard-fought battles of oppressed and exploited peoples, sick to their stomach with watching land-owning white men cast all the ballots, who fought tooth and nail to force the government to recognize their voices at the threat of hell to pay. We remember these righteous struggles led by working-class, nationally oppressed, and gender oppressed people themselves, and note that these movements had to be led by the people, because the rich and comfortable don’t make changes for the benefit of anyone else until they are forced to grant concessions to save themselves from the wrath of the masses. Every granted right to vote was to quell the growing rebellious nature of the empire’s exploited subjects, and even then there had to be battles fought to bring the ability to vote into practice instead of keeping it as a simple paper decree. The ruling class has had to concede and concede to keep itself alive, but through these concessions they have run into a wall. The limits of voting are now clearer than ever. History has shown that widening the pool of people who may vote for this or that representative does not change the nature of the representatives we are choosing from. More than that, there is no way of accomplishing the oft-repeated goal of “money out of politics” within the context of a society run on a capitalist basis. The history of the people’s struggle has forced the capitalists and their lackeys to reveal the true nature of electoral politics, and it is that they are nothing more than a charade, a very expensive magic show where people are made to feel that they are exercising political power while we choose from a handful of candidates who represent the same class with only minor policy differences.

Turning to the situation specific to Philadelphia, we quote from Red Guards Austin’s Don’t Vote, Revolt!:

“While many will participate in the theatrics by putting forward their best hopeless candidate, exhausting resources and volunteer time to get you to vote for a ‘socialist,’ we call this what it is—a waste of time.”

The above statement could not resonate more with us in Philly. At a time when many Democrats are recruiting for Hillary on the basis of “well, she’s not Trump,” it is worth pointing out that Philadelphia has been a blue city for going on 60 years, and the Democrats have not yet managed to really solve any of the problems which continue to plague our communities. During the primaries, huge campaign drives were made around Bernie Sanders and his center-left platform that culminated in massive marches and a final desperate mobilization to morally petition him into the Democratic nomination, only for the people inspired by this movement to have their dreams cruelly betrayed by his formal capitulation at the Democratic National Convention in July. The perennial third-party candidates like Jill Stein will remain what they always are, toothless loyal opposition to the ruling class. “Socialist” organizations have responded in several ways, all of them despicable. Some tailed behind the Sanders campaign, openly adopting its rhetoric while knowing damn well that he never had a chance, hoping that they could snipe a few recruits into their ranks in the process. Others are pouring all their resources into running their own insignificant candidates, shaking down all their members & supporters for cash and sending them all across the country to get their own party charlatans on ballots by pushing what they believe are more “radical” platforms. Lastly there are the more honest ones, who meekly suggest support for a few paltry ballot measures. From here we can see they are unanimously united around the need for some participation in bourgeois electoralism, and all rest on a thoroughly pessimistic pragmatic basis (despite any degree of posturing that suggests otherwise.) Ultimately the truth is that none of these organizations have any sort of capacity to defend any of the reforms or demands that they are putting forth. The rank-and-file may very well believe that some vague “people’s power” will do the trick, but we must assure them that the ruling class is in no way afraid of marches armed only with signs & megaphones. These organizations’ leadership on the other hand are playing a dangerous game; they rest on a house of cards and rather than truly uniting with the masses, are instead going all out for big-tent left unity. Unfortunately for them, none of these schemes can withstand the wind and rain that is sure to come.

The only thing that is capable of weathering any storm is the unity of the working class and the revolutionary movement. Red Guards Philadelphia recognizes this as the heart of our project – to turn the masses themselves into communists, because only the people are capable of achieving people’s liberation. This electoral boycott is an early action in the life of our organization, and therefore we cannot yet speak of our concrete unity with the people of Philadelphia, but we do believe that we will have no future without this unity. To achieve this, it is not enough to boycott elections, communists must offer an alternative. For this reason we are announcing our Serve the People initiative, which we hope to build hand-in-hand and brick-by-brick with those who see the need for something other than the endless waiting for politicians to finally get around to fulfilling their promises.

A Serve the People program is not a charity. It is providing for the needs of the people along with building class consciousness, and any effort to simply provide goods without the political component will fall flat. For this reason, an election boycott and the initiation of a Serve the People program are two sides of the same coin. We must destroy the old order and create the new. We must discredit electoralism, and create programs which actually benefit people – both in the short-term interests of the masses of Philadelphia today, and in the long-term interests of the working class the world over, and every generation that is yet to come. And to the point of this boycott: imperialist elections achieve neither.

This boycott will culminate with a day of action on November the 8th. Whatever the size of the demonstration, what matters is that it will show there are those who see the necessity of traveling along a different road: the revolutionary road.

Boycott the elections!
Burn your registration cards!
Blaze the revolutionary road!

[1] Red Guards Austin – “Don’t Vote, Revolt!”

[2] Revolutionary Frontlines – “India: It’s People’s Right to Boycott Elections”

[3] PCR-RCP – “A Call from the Revolutionary Communist Party: Boycott the Capitalist Election! Fight for People’s Power!”

On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism

The following is an excerpt from the Fundamental Documents issued by the Communist Party of Peru in 1988. This document along with Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism! represent the basis for ideological unity of Red Guards – Philadelphia.


In the furnace of class struggle, the ideology of the international proletariat emerged as Marxism, afterwards developed into Marxism-Leninism and later Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Therefore, the scientific ideology of the proletariat, all-powerful because it is true, has three stages or landmarks in its dialectical process of development: 1) Marxism, 2) Leninism, and 3) Maoism. These three stages are part of the same unity which began with the Communist Manifesto one hundred and forty years ago, with the heroic epic of the class struggle, in fierce and fruitful two-line struggles within the communist parties themselves and in the titanic work of thought and action that only the working class could generate. Today, three unfading lights are outstanding: Marx, Lenin, and Mao Tse-tung who, through three grand leaps have armed us with the invincible ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, which today is principally Maoism.

Nevertheless, while Marxism-Leninism has obtained an acknowledgment of its universal validity, Maoism is not completely acknowledged as the third stage. Some simply deny its condition as such, while others only accept it as “Mao Tse-tung Thought.” In essence, both positions, with the obvious differences between them, deny the general development of Marxism made by Chairman Mao Tse-tung. The denial of the “ism” character of Maoism denies its universal validity and, consequently, its condition as the third, new, and superior stage of the ideology of the international proletariat: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, that we uphold, defend, and apply.

As an INTRODUCTION, in order to better understand Maoism and the necessity to struggle for it, let us remember Lenin. He taught us that as the revolution advanced to the East it expressed specific conditions that, while they did not negate principles or laws, were new situations that Marxism could not ignore, upon the risk of putting the revolution in danger of a defeat. Notwithstanding the uproar against what is new by pedantic and bookish intellectuals, who are stuffed with liberalism and false Marxism, the only just and correct thing to do is to apply Marxism to the concrete conditions and to solve the new situations and problems that every revolution necessarily faces. In the face of the horrified and pharisaic “defenses of the ideology, the class, and of the people” that revisionists, opportunists and renegades proclaim, or the furious attacks against Marxism by brutalized academicians and hacks of the old order who are debased by the rotten bourgeois ideology and blindly defend the old society on which they are parasites. Lenin also said clearly that the revolution in the East would present new and great surprises to the greater amazement of the worshipers of following only the well-trodden paths who are incapable of seeing the new; and, as we all know, he trusted the Eastern comrades to resolve the problems that Marxism had not yet resolved.

Furthermore, we must keep well in mind that when Comrade Stalin justly and correctly stated that we had entered the stage of Leninism as the development of Marxism, there was also opposition by those who rend their garments in a supposed defense of Marxism. There were also those who said that Leninism was only applicable to the backward countries. But, in the midst of struggle, practice has consecrated Leninism as a great development of Marxism, and thus the proletarian ideology shone victoriously in the face of the world as Marxism-Leninism.

Today, Maoism faces similar situations. All new things, like Marxism, have always advanced through struggle, and similarly, Maoism will impose itself and be acknowledged.

As for the CONTEXT in which Chairman Mao Tse-tung developed and Maoism was forged, on an international level it was on the basis of imperialism, world wars, the international proletarian movement, the national liberation movement, the struggle between Marxism and revisionism, and the restoration of capitalism in the USSR. Three big historical landmarks must be emphasized in the present century: first, the October Revolution of 1917, which opened the era of the world proletarian revolution; second, the triumph of the Chinese Revolution, in 1949, which changed the correlation of forces in favor of socialism; and third, the great proletarian cultural revolution, which began in 1966 as the continuation of the revolution under the proletarian dictatorship in order to maintain the revolutionary course towards Communism. It is enough to emphasize that Chairman Mao led two of these glorious historical feats.

In China, as the center of world revolution, Maoism was concretely expressed within the most complex convergence of contradictions, and the intense and ruthless class struggle which was marked by the pretensions of the imperialist powers of tearing and dividing up China after the collapse of the Manchurian Empire (1911), the anti-imperialist movement of 1919, the revolts of the great peasant masses, the twenty-two years of armed struggle of the democratic revolution, the great contest for the building and development of socialism and the ten years of revolutionary storms for carrying forward the Cultural Revolution, as well as the sharpest two-line struggle within the Communist Party of China, especially against revisionism. All this was framed within the international situation described above. It is out of this aggregate of historical deeds that we have to extract four events of extraordinary importance: The founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC) in 1921; the Autumn Harvest uprising which initiated the path from the countryside to the city, in 1925; the founding of the People’s Republic, 1949; and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR), from 1966-1976; in all of which Chairman Mao was a protagonist and the acknowledged leader of the Chinese Revolution.

We can say from Chairman Mao Tse-tung’s biography that he was born on December 26th 1893, opening his eyes to an agitated world scorched by the flames of war; son of peasants, he was seven years old when “Boxer Rebellions” began; a student at a Teachers’ Training College, he was in his eighteenth year when the empire collapsed and he enlisted himself as a soldier, later to become a great organizer of peasants and of the youth in Hunan, his native province. Founder of the Communist Party and of the Red Army of workers and peasants, he established the path of surrounding the cities from the countryside developing People’s War as the military theory of the proletariat. He was the theoretician of New Democracy and founder of the People’s Republic; a promoter of the Great Leap Forward and of the development of socialism; the leader of the struggle against the contemporary revisionism of Khrushchev and his henchmen, leader and head of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. These are landmarks of a life devoted thoroughly and solely to the revolution. The proletariat has seen three gigantic triumphs in this century: Two of them belong to Chairman Mao, and if one is glory enough, two are even more.

On the CONTENT of Maoism, of its substance, we must point out the following basic issues:

1. Theory. Marxism has three parts: Marxist philosophy, Marxist political economy, and scientific socialism. The development of all these three components gives rise to a great qualitative leap of Marxism as a whole, as a unity on a superior level, which implies a new stage. Consequently, the essential thing is to show that Chairman Mao, as can be seen in theory and practice, has generated such a great qualitative leap. Let us highlight this with the following points:

In Marxist philosophy he developed the essence of dialectics, the law of contradiction, establishing it as the only fundamental law; and besides his profound dialectical understanding of the theory of knowledge, whose center are the two leaps that make up its law (from practice to knowledge and vice versa, but with knowledge to practice being the main one). We emphasize that he masterfully applied the law of contradiction in politics; and moreover he brought philosophy to the masses of people, fulfilling the task that Marx left.

In Marxist political economy, Chairman Mao applied dialectics to analyze the relationship between the base and superstructure, and, continuing the struggle of Marxism-Leninism against the revisionist thesis of the “productive forces”, he concluded that the superstructure, consciousness, can modify the base, and that with political power the productive forces can be developed. By developing the Leninist idea that politics is the concentrated expression of economics, he established that politics must be in command, (applicable on all levels) and that political work is the life-line of economic work; which takes us to the true handling of political economy, not just a simple economic policy.

Despite its importance, an issue which is often sidestepped, especially by those who face democratic revolutions, is the Maoist thesis of bureaucratic capitalism; that is, the capitalism which is being developed in the oppressed nations by imperialism along with different degrees of underlying feudalism, or even pre-feudal stages. This is a vital problem, mainly in Asia, Africa and Latin America, since a good revolutionary leadership derives from its understanding, especially when the confiscation of bureaucratic capital forms the economic basis for carrying forward the socialist revolution as the second stage.

But the main thing is that Chairman Mao Tse-tung has developed the political economy of socialism. Of the utmost importance is his criticism of socialist construction in the Soviet Union, as well as his theses on how to develop socialism in China: Taking agriculture as the base and industry as the leading economic force, promoting industrialization guided by the relationship between heavy industry, light industry and agriculture; taking heavy industry as the center of economic construction and simultaneously paying full attention to light industry and agriculture. The Great Leap Forward and the conditions for its execution should be highlighted: One, the political line that gives it a just and correct course; two, small, medium, and large organizational forms in a greater to lesser quantity, respectively; three, a great drive, a gigantic effort of the masses of people in order to put it in motion and to take it through to success, a leap forward whose results are valued more for the new process set in motion and its historical perspective than its immediate achievements, and its linkage with agricultural collectivization and the people’s communes. Finally, we must bear well in mind his teachings on the objectivity and the subjectivity in understanding and handling the laws of socialism, that because the few decades of socialism have not permitted it to see its complete development, and therefore a better understanding of its laws and its specification, and principally the relationship that exists between revolution and the economic process, embodied in the slogan “grasp revolution and promote production”. Despite its transcendental importance, this development of Marxist political economy has received scant attention.

In scientific socialism, Chairman Mao further developed the theory of social classes analyzing them on economic, political, and ideological planes. He upheld revolutionary violence as a universal law without any exception whatsoever; revolution as a violent displacement of one class by another, thus establishing the great thesis that “political power grows out of the barrel of a gun”. He resolved the question of the conquest of political power in the oppressed nations through the path of surrounding the cities from the countryside, establishing its general laws. He defined and developed the theory of the class struggle within socialism in which he brilliantly demonstrated that the antagonistic struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, between the socialist road and the capitalist road, and between socialism and capitalism continues. That in socialism it was not concretely determined who would defeat whom, that it was a problem whose solution demands time, the unfolding of a process of restoration and counter-restoration, in order for the proletariat to strongly hold political power definitely through the proletarian dictatorship; and, finally and principally, the grandiose solution of historical transcendence, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution as the continuation of the socialist revolution under the proletarian dictatorship.

These basic questions, simply and plainly stated but known and undeniable, show the Chairman’s development of the integral parts of Marxism, and the evident raising of Marxism-Leninism to a new, third and superior stage: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism.

Continuing with this brief synthesis, let us look at other specific points which, although deriving from the above, should be considered even if only enumeratively, to emphasize and pay due attention to them.

2. The New Democratic Revolution. Firstly, it is a development of the Marxist theory of the State, establishing three types of dictatorships:

1) Dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, in the old bourgeois democracies like the United States, a type in which the dictatorships of the oppressed nations such as the Latin American ones can be assimilated;

2) Proletarian dictatorships, like the ones in the Soviet Union or in China before the usurpation of power by the revisionists; and

3) New Democracy, as a joint dictatorship based on the worker-peasant alliance, led by the proletariat headed up by the Communist Party, which was formed in China during its democratic revolution, and which is concretely expressed in Perú today through the People’s Committees, in the base areas and in the People’s Republic of New Democracy in formation. It is fundamental to emphasize, within this development of the theory of the state, the key differentiation between a state system as a dictatorship of a class or classes that hold political power, which is principal, and a system of government, which is understood as an organization for the exercise of political power.

On the other hand, New Democracy, one of the extraordinary developments made by Chairman Mao, masterfully materializes for us the bourgeois revolution of a new type, which only the proletariat can lead. In synthesis, it is the democratic revolution within the new era of world proletarian revolution in which we evolve. The New Democratic Revolution implies a new economy, a new politics, and a new culture, obviously overthrowing the old order and upholding the new one with arms, the only way to transform the world.

Finally, it is important to emphasize that New Democracy is a democratic revolution. Although it mainly fulfills the democratic tasks, it also complementarily advances in some socialist tasks, so that the question of two stages, democratic and socialist, which corresponds to countries like ours, is thoroughly solved by guaranteeing that once the democratic stage is concluded, it will be continued as a socialist revolution, without any intermissions or interruptions.

3. The three instruments. The problem of the construction of the instruments of the revolution presents the Party with the problem of understanding the interrelationship between the Party, the army and the united front; and to understand and correctly handle the interconnected construction of the three instruments in the midst of war or in the defense of the new State based on the power of the armed people, expressing in that way a just and correct task of leadership. Their construction is guided by the principle that a just and correct ideological line decides everything, and it is on this ideological-political basis that the organizational construction is simultaneously developed in the midst of the struggle between the proletarian line and the bourgeois line and within the storm of the class struggle, mainly in war, as the principal form of current or potential struggle.

Regarding the Party, Chairman Mao starts from the necessity of the Communist Party, a new type of party, a party of the proletariat. Today, we would say a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Party: a party whose aim is to conquer political power and to defend it, and therefore it is inextricably bound to people’s war in order to initiate it, develop it or wage it to defend itself. A party sustained by the masses of people, be it by way of people’s war which is a war of the masses, or by the united front which, being a front of classes, is based on the broad masses. The Party develops and changes itself according to the stages of the revolution and the periods that these stages may have. The driving of its development is the contradiction which materializes in its heart as the two-line struggle, the proletarian line and the bourgeois or in general non-proletarian line, which is in essence and mainly a struggle against revisionism. This leads to the decisive importance of ideology in the life of the party and to the development of rectification campaigns that serve a greater adjustment of all the systems of party organizations and the membership to the just and correct ideological and political lines, guaranteeing the predominance of the proletarian line and keeping the Party leadership in its iron grip. The Party serves the establishment of political power for the proletariat as the leading class of the New Democracy, and principally for the establishment, strengthening and development of the proletarian dictatorship, and through cultural revolutions the conquest of the great, final goal: Communism. Because of this, the Party must lead everything in an all-around way.

The revolutionary army is of a new type. It is an army for the fulfillment of the political tasks that the Party establishes in accordance with the interests of the proletariat and the people. This characteristic is concretely expressed in three tasks: To combat, to produce in order to pose no parasitical burden, and to mobilize the masses. It is an army based on the political development of the proletariat’s ideology, from Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (today), and from the general political line as well as the military one that the Party may establish. It is an army based on people and not on weapons, an army that surged from the masses with whom it has always been linked, serving them wholeheartedly, which allows it to move among the people like fish in the water. Without a people’s army the people have nothing, said Chairman Mao, at the same time he taught us the necessity of the Party’s absolute leadership over the army and his great principle: The Party commands the gun and we will never permit it to be otherwise. Besides having thoroughly established the principles and norms for the construction of a new type of army, the Chairman himself called for preventing the use of the army for the restoration of capitalism by usurping the leadership through a counterrevolutionary coup d’etat and, developing Lenin’s thesis on the people’s militia, he carried out farther than anyone the general policy of arming the people, thus opening a breach and pointing out the path towards the armed sea of masses that will lead us to the definite emancipation of the people and the proletariat.

It was Chairman Mao who for the first time developed a complete theory on the united front and established its laws. A front of social classes based on the worker-peasant alliance as a guarantee of the proletariat’s hegemony in the revolution, which is led by the proletariat represented by the Communist Party; in synthesis, a united front under the leadership of the Communist Party, a united front for the people’s war, for the revolution, for the conquest of power for the proletariat and the people. In synthesis, the united front is the grouping of the revolutionary forces against the counter-revolutionary forces in order to wage the struggle between revolution and counter-revolution mainly through the armed people’s war. The united front, obviously, is not the same in every stage of the revolution and, furthermore, it has its specifications according to the various historical periods of each stage; likewise, the united front in a concrete revolution does not equal the one on a world level, although both follow the same general laws. Apart from this, it is important to emphasize the relation between the front and the State that Chairman Mao established when the war of resistance against Japan was evolving, setting forth that the united front is a form of joint dictatorship, a question that deserves to be especially studied by those who face democratic revolutions.

4. The People’s War is the military theory of the international proletariat; in it are summarized, for the first time in a systematic and complete form, the theoretical and practical experience of the struggles, military actions, and wars waged by the proletariat, and the prolonged experience of the people’s armed struggle and especially of the incessant wars in China. It is with Chairman Mao that the proletariat attains its military theory; nevertheless, there is much confusion and misunderstanding on this issue. And much of it springs from how the People’s War in China is seen. Generally, it is considered derisively and contemptuously simply as a guerrilla war; this alone denotes a lack of understanding. Chairman Mao pointed out that guerrilla warfare achieves a strategic feature; but due to its essential fluidity, the development of guerrilla warfare is not understood as it exists, how it develops mobility, a war of movements, of positions, how it unfolds great plans of the strategic offensive and the seizure of small, mid-sized, and big cities, with millions of inhabitants, combining the attack from outside with the insurrection from within. Thus, in conclusion, the four periods of the Chinese revolution, and mainly from the agrarian war until the people’s war of liberation, considering the anti-Japanese war of resistance between both, shows the various aspects and complexities of the revolutionary war waged during more than twenty years amidst a huge population and an immense mobilization and participation of the masses. In that war there are examples of every kind; and what is principal has been extraordinarily studied and its principles, laws, strategy, tactics, rules, etc. masterfully established. It is, therefore, in this fabulous crucible and on what was established by Marxism-Leninism that Chairman Mao developed the military theory of the proletariat: The People’s War.

We must fully bear in mind that subsequently, Chairman Mao himself, aware of the existence of atomic bombs and missiles and with China already having them, sustained and developed people’s war in order to wage it under the new conditions of atomic weapons and of war against powers and super-powers. In synthesis, people’s war is the weapon of the proletariat and of the people, even to confront atomic wars.

A key and decisive question is the understanding of the universal validity of people’s war and its subsequent application taking into account the different types of revolution and the specific conditions of each revolution. To clarify this key issue it is important to consider that no insurrection like that of Petrograd, the anti-fascist resistance, or the European guerrilla movements in the Second World War have been repeated, as well as considering the armed struggles that are presently being waged in Europe. In the final analysis, the October Revolution was not only an insurrection but a revolutionary war that lasted for several years. Consequently, in the imperialist countries the revolution can only be conceived as a revolutionary war which today is simply people’s war.

Finally, today more than ever, we Communists and revolutionaries, the proletariat and the people, need to forge ourselves in: “Yes. We are adherents to the theory of the omnipotence of the revolutionary war. That it is not bad thing; it is good thing. It is Marxist”; which means adhering to the invincibility of people’s war.

5. The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in a historical perspective is the most transcendental development of Marxism-Leninism made by Chairman Mao; it is the solution to the great pending problem of the continuation of the revolution under the proletarian dictatorship: “It represents a more profound and wider new stage in the development of the socialist revolution in our country.”

What was the situation that presented itself? As stated in the Decision of the Communist Party of China on the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution states: “Although overthrown, the bourgeoisie still tries to avail itself of the old ideas, culture, habits and ways of the exploiting classes in order to corrupt the masses and to conquer the minds of the people in its endeavors to restore its power. The proletariat must do exactly the opposite: It must deal merciless, frontal blows to all the challenges by the bourgeoisie in the ideological arena and change the spiritual composition of the whole society using its own new ideas, culture, habits and ways. Our present aim is to crush, through struggle, those who occupy leading posts and follow the capitalist road, to criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois ‘authorities’ in the academic fields, to criticize and repudiate the ideology of the bourgeoisie and other exploiting classes, and to transform education, literature, and art and the rest of areas of the superstructure that do not correspond to the economic base of socialism, in order to facilitate the consolidation and the development of the socialist system.”

It was in these conditions that the most Earth-shaking political process and the greatest mass mobilization the world has ever seen broke out, and whose objectives were thus outlined by Chairman Mao: “The present GPCR is completely necessary and very timely to consolidate the proletarian dictatorship, to prevent the restoration of capitalism, and to build socialism.”

We also emphasize two questions:

1) The GPCR implies a landmark in the development of the proletarian dictatorship towards the proletariat’s securing political power, concretely expressed in the Revolutionary Committees; and

2) The restoration of capitalism in China after the 1976 counter-revolutionary coup is not a negation of the GPCR but is plainly part of the contention between restoration and counter-restoration, and, on the contrary, it shows us the transcendental historical importance of the GPCR in the inexorable march of mankind towards Communism.

6. World Revolution. Chairman Mao emphasizes the importance of the world revolution as a unity, on the basis that revolution is the main trend while the decomposition of imperialism is greater each day, and the role played by the masses grows more immense each year, masses that make and shall make their transforming and unstoppable strength be felt, and reiterates the great truth: Either we all reach Communism or nobody does. Within this specific perspective in the era of imperialism, the great historical moment of the “next 50 to 100 years”, and within this context the opening period of struggle against Yankee imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, paper tigers that contend for hegemony and threaten the world with an atomic war, in the face of which, firstly we must condemn it, and secondly, we must prepare ourselves beforehand in order to oppose it with people’s war and make the revolution. On the other hand, starting from the historical importance of the oppressed nations and, furthermore, from their perspective both in the economic and political relationships that are evolving on account of the process of decomposition of imperialism, Chairman Mao stated his thesis that “three worlds delineate themselves”. All of which leads to the necessity of developing the strategy and tactics of world revolution. Regrettably, we know little or almost nothing about Chairman Mao’s writings and statements on these transcendental questions; nevertheless, the very little that is known shows the grand perspectives which he watched closely and the great outlines that we must follow in order to understand and serve the proletarian world revolution

7. Superstructure, ideology, culture, and education. These and other related issues have been subtly and deeply studied by Chairman Mao. For that reason, this is also another basic question that deserves attention.

In conclusion, the contents seen in these fundamental issues show clearly to whoever wants to see and understand that we have, therefore, a new, third, and superior stage of Marxism: Maoism; and that to be a Marxist in these days demands to be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist and mainly Maoist.

All that has been explained in the contents leads us to two questions:

What is fundamental in Maoism? Political Power is fundamental in Maoism. Political power for the proletariat, power for the dictatorship of the proletariat, power based on an armed force led by the Communist Party. More explicitly:

1) Political power under the leadership of the proletariat in the democratic revolution;

2) Political power for the dictatorship of the proletariat in the socialist and cultural revolutions;

3) Political power based on an armed force led by the Communist Party, conquered and defended through people’s war.

And, what is Maoism? Maoism is the elevation of Marxism-Leninism to a new, third, and superior stage in the struggle for proletarian leadership of the democratic revolution, the development of the construction of socialism and the continuation of the revolution under the proletarian dictatorship as a proletarian cultural revolution; when imperialism deepens its decomposition and revolution has become the main tendency of history, amidst the most complex and largest wars seen to date and the implacable struggle against contemporary revisionism.

On the STRUGGLE AROUND MAOISM. Briefly, the struggle in China for establishing Mao Tse-tung Thought began in 1935 at the Tsunyi Meeting, when Chairman Mao assumed the leadership of the Communist Party of China. In 1945 the VII Congress agreed that the CPC was guided by Marxism-Leninism Mao Tse-tung Thought, a specification suppressed by the VIII Congress, since a rightist line prevailed in it. The IX Congress in 1969 resumed the GPCR and ratified that the CPC is guided by Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought; that was as far as it advanced.

On an international level, it acquired influence from the 1950s onwards; but it is with the GPCR that it intensely spread out and its prestige rose powerfully and Chairman Mao was acknowledged as the leader of the world revolution and originator of a new stage in Marxism-Leninism; thus, a great number of Communist Parties assumed the denomination of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought. On the world level, Maoism confronted contemporary revisionism openly unmasking it profoundly and forcefully, and likewise it did so in the CPC’s own ranks, all of which raised the Chairman’s great red banner still more: The new, third, and superior stage of the ideology of the international proletariat. At present (1988), Maoism confronts the triple attack of Soviet, Chinese and Albanian revisionism. But today, even among those who acknowledge the Chairman’s great contributions, including the development of Marxism, there are some who believe that we are still in the stage of Marxism-Leninism, and others who only accept Mao Tse-tung Thought but by no means Maoism.

In this country, obviously, the revisionists who follow the baton of their diverse masters, Gorbachev, Teng, Alia or Castro have continuously attacked Maoism; among them one must condemn, unmask, and implacably combat Del Prado’s callous revisionism and his gang, the so called “Peruvian Communist Party”; the abject deviousness of the self-proclaimed “Communist Party of Peru, Patria Roja” who, after raising themselves up as “great Maoists” became Teng’s servants, after having condemned him when he was defenestrated in 1976, as well as the anti-Maoism of the so called “Izquierda Unida” (United Left), in whose heart swarmed all the revisionist and even anti-Marxist positions passed off by false Marxists and opportunists of many kinds. We must raise Maoism as a revealing mirror for revisionists in order to combat them implacably, working for the development of the People’s War and the triumph of the democratic revolution underway, which is an unavoidable and unrenounceable task of a strategic character.

The Communist Party of Peru, through the fraction led by President Gonzalo, who propelled its reconstitution, took up Marxism-Leninism- Mao Tse-tung Thought in 1966; in 1979 the slogan “Uphold, defend, and apply Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought!”; in 1981: “Towards Maoism!”; and, in 1982, took Maoism as an integral part and superior development of the ideology of the international proletariat: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. It is with the People’s War that we have understood more deeply what Maoism implies and we have taken up the solemn pledge to “Uphold, defend, and apply Marxism-Leninism- Maoism, principally Maoism!” and to work relentlessly in helping to place it as leader and guide of the world revolution, the always red and unfading banner that is the guarantee of triumph for the proletariat, the oppressed nations, and peoples of the world in their inexorable, combative march of iron legions towards the golden and always brilliant goal of Communism.


Founding Declaration of Red Guards – Philadelphia

Founding Declaration of Red Guards – Philadelphia

In recent years, the oppressed and exploited masses in the United States have, on their own accord, unleashed their fury in waves of rebellion. We must see this for what it is, as a deep yearning for revolution that tears out the roots of exploitation and oppression from the soil of this earth. The established left professes to unite with this outcry, only to then muffle the people’s screams, fetter their raised fists with straightjackets, and stupefy their ingenuity with every intoxicant at hand. This is done through corralling the people into perpetual protesting and street theatre, collaborating with the ruling class through NGOs and legal unionism, and trailing behind bourgeois electoral politics. This trend is general throughout the U.S. and also manifests to a heightened degree in Philadelphia. No amount of radical posturing and temporary quantitative growth can mask what amounts to desperate pleas for a justice that this system inherently cannot provide. The masses will inevitably reject this misleadership and sweep them aside on the march to power. We unite with the rank-and-file of these organizations who know in their heart of hearts that this road is headed toward a dead end and we hope to prove in practice that you don’t have to settle for drab, boring pragmatism and revisionism.

Necessarily, a new anti-revisionist movement has arisen in response as the opposing force, and it raises the flag of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism (MLM) as our guiding ideology. At every moment we assert the urgent need for a Maoist Communist Party as the orchestrator, a People’s Army to wage protracted people’s war, and a United Front to cast the net for all friends of revolution. We have no illusions about the temporarily unfavorable objective and subjective conditions we find ourselves in, but this in fact imbues us with optimism and urgency. All around us is an old and decrepit world, so with smiles on our faces we set about the task of organizing to smash it to pieces and draw forth the communist future. In the era of imperialism and world war, and in the context of existing in the principal imperialist stronghold, we have no choice but to direct our efforts towards launching the most ferocious war against the ruling monopoly capitalist class here at home.

As we proceed, it is incumbent upon us to assess our practice thus far. We consist of former members of Revolutionary Student Coordinating Committee – Philadelphia (RSCC-PHL), the Liaison Committee for a New Communist Party (NCP-LC), and graduates of Red Guards Austin’s summer 2016 Cadre School.

RSCC-PHL is no more, and we (along with other former members) have begun the process of drafting a summation to lay bare the successes and failures of that project. This will serve first as a weapon against the ideas that reproduce the rotten aspects of its legacy and also as a guide for future student organizing efforts. The NCP-LC is defunct, and thus far the former Philadelphia and Los Angeles branches have published summations and undertaken the process of rectification. The former Kansas City branch has recently issued a summation which is a very welcome development, as it lays the foundation for struggle and unity that we eagerly hope to achieve with the new MLM collective in that region, the Kansas City Revolutionary Collective. The former NYC branch has remained silent and only issued two very insufficient “statements of facts.” We are certain that forces exist that wish to resurrect the NCP-LC, if not in form then in content. We will remain firm and vigilant to strangle such efforts in the cradle. Our comrades and all friends of the Maoist Communist Party building project should join us in doing so.

This declaration also serves to show that the Cadre School led by Red Guards Austin was mainly a success. Our comrades in Austin have displayed a true communist spirit of selflessness and sacrifice for our cause. They stood firm in principle and bombarded the thoroughly corrupt NCP-LC headquarters after correctly identifying it as an incorrigible obstacle to the MLM movement in the US. Most importantly they wasted no time in picking up the task of ideologically consolidating existing Maoists and generating new ones; rebuilding us from the ground up through rigorous study, mass work, criticism and self-criticism, two-line struggle, productive physical labor, and plain, disciplined living. These efforts have formed us into new communists entirely devoted to the cause of proletarian revolution; dedicating our lives to serving the people, learning from the people, and becoming one with the people. Still we must be further steeled in the class struggle, in the shouldering of responsibility, in making great sacrifices, eschewing arrogance in victory and demoralization in failure, and fearing no hardship or repression.

We are starting small and with very humble beginnings. The urgency for principled unity, the accumulation of forces, and gaining sympathizers is most pressing. Of our immediate tasks, one will be militant interventions in the existing activity of the masses and progressive forces. Another is to begin social investigation in specific neighborhoods to begin sustained mass work over a protracted period. Concurrent with these tasks, we will be announcing an electoral boycott campaign in order to win over advanced workers and draw a clear line of demarcation between ourselves and the revisionist left in Philadelphia. We open our hearts and extend our hands to all those who share our vision and wish to march on this path with us.

We salute our comrades and all those involved in Cadre School who helped cultivate this spirit and bring Red Guards – Philadelphia into a material reality. Our unity is strong and through struggle it will be sustained and developed further. Their successes and hardships are ours alike. Our shared ideology gives us the commitment and principles to ensure our color never changes. Our future is in serving the people, in building our party, in charting the path to protracted people’s war and revolution!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism!

Long live Revolutionary Communism!

Build the Party! Red Guards everywhere!